Shedding light on the intangible spaces of the state

Associate Professor SHIMOJO Hisashi of the Graduate School of Intercultural Studies conducts research on spaces where state intervention is difficult from the perspectives of anthropology and Southeast Asian studies. His main research focus is on the Mekong Delta in southern Vietnam, but he aims to understand the backgrounds of how such spaces are formed regardless of the country, and the social order that people weave in these spaces. His efforts illuminate the image of the state as seen by ordinary people and challenge the understanding of society. We spoke with Shimojo about the results of his research and future prospects. In his words, “If the front side of a coin represents the state, then I study its reverse side.”

A space constituted by autonomous order that differs from the state

What is a space where state intervention is difficult?

Shimojo: For example, in the villages of the Mekong Delta in Vietnam, which I have studied for many years, during the Vietnam War, men sometimes entered Buddhist temples to avoid conscription. After the war, when Vietnam became a socialist country, the collective farming system resulted in the government buying rice at low prices, making it difficult for farmers to make a living. As a result, people began hiding rice in rice mills and selling it on the black market. Furthermore, when it became difficult to maintain their livelihoods domestically, some people sought work illegally in neighboring Cambodia. They managed to evade the surveillance of the border guards and crossed the border back and forth.

I define such spaces where people can do these kinds of activities as “spaces where state intervention is difficult.” In my book published in 2021, I metaphorically expressed the potential for such spaces to form as the “intangible spaces of the state.” Urban slums, where people build their livelihoods on the outskirts of the city, are also examples. When the state tries to intervene, there is often resistance, and even when intervention occurs, these spaces tend to reemerge.

Recently, I have also been researching the floating villages on Lake Tonle Sap in Cambodia. These villages are primarily formed by people who moved here to escape the chaos of the war, including those with roots in Vietnam. Such spaces are established on the basis of autonomous social order and morals that differ from those of the state, and I am particularly interested in exploring this aspect.

When we hear that state intervention is difficult, it may feel like there is disorder, but there is actually order.

Shimojo: In university classes, when I ask students for their opinions, it seems that many believe that without the state, society would be in disorder. In Japan, the state is so deeply involved in everyday life that people tend to think that the laws of the country align with the order of society. It seems as though they are convinced that the order created by the state is their own order.

In modern Western society, the belief that society would descend into disorder without the state is deeply ingrained, and this notion has served as a justification for colonization in Asia and Africa.

However, from an anthropological perspective, humans have lived without the state and there have always been order and culture in stateless societies. Throughout different times and societies, humans have created their own order. The field of anthropology specializes in the study of stateless societies and has sought to reexamine the state of knowledge in Western society.

In Vietnam and Cambodia, particularly since the mid-20th century, the state has, rather, created a state of disorder. Conflicts over the nature of the state led to the Vietnam War, which escalated into an international conflict. In such circumstances, people have sought to create spaces where state intervention is difficult in order to survive and to secure locally rooted order.

What are the conditions that give rise to spaces where state intervention is difficult?

What situations tend to create spaces where state intervention is difficult?

Shimojo: It can be said that such spaces tend to emerge at times when the state attempts to use coercive power to move people, such as during war, or when the state attempts to reform society significantly, such as during the transition to socialism.

Similar to the case of Cambodia after the collapse of the Khmer Rouge regime, when a tightly controlled totalitarian system suddenly loosens, spaces are more likely to emerge where state intervention is difficult. The floating villages in Cambodia, which I have been recently researching, are an example of this.

The people I encountered in the villages of the Mekong Delta in Vietnam believe that there are times when the state protects them and times when it does not. Moreover, they believe that it does not violate their morals to temporarily step outside of state control when forced or coerced. They perceive the order of the state and their own order as separate entities.

Why are you interested in Vietnam and Cambodia?

Shimojo: When I traveled to the region during my university years, I was captivated by how people appeared to live autonomously despite having experienced prolonged wars and political turmoil. However, the academic books I came across at the time focused primarily on studies of states and political organizations, leaving me with a limited understanding of how people live. This made me to want to explore the less visible aspects of people and society.

In the villages of the Mekong Delta in Vietnam, I conducted research by living there for about a year and three months from 2010 to 2012. At first, I struggled with the dialect and customs, and I even faced health problems. There were also challenges unique to a socialist country, such as being monitored by the public security police. But even now, when I visit the village, they welcome me with joy, and during the COVID-19 pandemic, we kept in touch by phone. I feel that I have a place beyond Japan.

Are there spaces where state intervention is difficult in Japan?

Shimojo: I believe that they exist indeed, even if they are not easily visible. In Japan, when such spaces emerge, they are quickly viewed as violations of discipline or crimes, leading to either their elimination by state power or their incorporation into the state. As a result, these spaces may not be readily apparent on the surface, but they exist underground. The black market in Kobe immediately after the war is an example of this.

In the case of significant disasters, such as the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake, when government functions become disrupted, it is likely that people in the affected areas act according to their own order, temporarily forming spaces where state intervention is difficult. Similar situations occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic, and I believe that such scenarios may reoccur in the future.

Fully mobilizing the body to think and engaging in universal discussions — the appeal of anthropology

Conflicts are ongoing in various parts of the world. How do you think this research contributes to understanding the current situation?

Shimojo: In places like Afghanistan under the Taliban regime, the Gaza Strip, and the Ukraine-Russia war, the severity of state violence is palpable. However, I think it is important not to simply label the people living there as mere victims, but to focus on their capabilities to create ways of living and autonomous order. While my research may not provide immediate solutions, I believe it offers a perspective that underscores this understanding.

In my book “Intangible spaces: A social history of survival in the Mekong Delta,” I used the term “intangible spaces” to describe places where people have space to act autonomously and adjust their social order. In the formation of modern states, the aim is often to integrate citizens and direct them toward a single goal; however, I believe that leaving room for resistance to such dynamics contributes to social stability. Observing the conflicts and tensions around the world, it seems that those in power do not understand this.

What is the appeal of the academic field of anthropology?

Shimojo: I studied economics in my undergraduate program but found that hypothesizing and quantitatively theorizing human behavior did not appeal to me, so I pursued my current field in graduate school. I have always been interested in using my own feet thinking about things. While there are research areas in anthropology that emphasize theory, in my case, I wanted to learn the local language, share food and shelter with the people, and think about the world from the ground up.

I believe that anthropology is a field that picks up on aspects often overlooked by institutionalized disciplines and clarifies their importance in understanding humanity. It involves fully mobilizing one’s own body to think critically and developing broader, more universal discussions from that foundation. I find this to be its greatest appeal.

After about four years of engaging in research at Kobe University, are there advantages to doing research based in Kobe? What kind of research do you hope to pursue in the future?

Shimojo: Kobe has been a place that has welcomed people from various backgrounds since it opened as a port. It is an attractive city in that it has seen people create autonomous order despite experiencing great turmoil from wars and disasters. At Kobe University, I feel an atmosphere that encourages the free exploration of knowledge rooted in the context of Kobe.

As for my future goals, I would like to write an ethnographic book based on my research in the floating villages of Cambodia. In addition, I am collaborating with several researchers who are investigating countries in Asia and Africa to advance our research on the formation of spaces where state intervention is difficult. I believe there are some commonalities and universalities that transcend national boundaries, and I aim to develop micro-level cases into macro-level research perspectives.

Resume