Sarah Beth Estes, UC assistant professor of sociology, will present both studies at the American Sociological Association conference on Monday, Aug. 18, in Atlanta. She collaborated in the Kunz Center study with David Maume, the Kunz director and UC professor of sociology. In the second study, she worked with UC graduate student Vicki Dryfhout.
How can Estes explain the conflicting findings? "There is so much variation in how the policies are used and why they are used, we might not see what is actually going on when we examine quantitative data – the hard data. When you look at qualitative data – the personal statements women make – another picture emerges," says Estes.
In the first study, she and Maume examined data from the Survey of Ohio's Working Families (SOWF), an annual survey of work and family life in a Midwestern state (1998, 1999 and 2000). The sample was restricted to married or cohabiting, employed men and women ages 18-65. The study included 865 parents – 346 women and 501 men. The study examined those who used family-friendly policies such as parental leave, sick leave, working at home, flexible scheduling and on-site childcare. In an improvement over earlier measures, this study assessed use and not simply availability of these policies.
Using multiple regression models, the UC study showed that women's use of workplace flexibility is not related to their shares of various types of household labor. Men's use of workplace flexibility is negatively related to some aspects of household labor, but they aren't foisting the labor off on their wives. Instead, husbands' decreased share is associated with higher shares of household labor performed by "others." It is not clear who these others might be, Estes says. It could be hired help, children or parents. In any case, the Kunz Center study found no evidence that family-friendly policies either contribute to or detract from gendered division of household chores.
Traditionally female chores are defined as those that are frequent and inflexible, such as dish-washing, cooking, laundry and cleaning. Those that are male are those that are infrequent and flexible such as yard work and car maintenance. Some tasks, such as grocery shopping and bill-paying, are defined as "neutral" chores. Of all housework tasks, "women's" chores are considered most onerous by both men and women, according to previous studies. The study did not examine child care as a chore.
In the second study, Estes examined comments made by employed, married women in interviews. Of 103 married employed women who used at least one family-friendly policy, one-fifth said it was unrelated to their marriage – 80 percent said the policies either helped or hurt their marriage. Estes examined the comments of those who made points that touched on gendered family roles. She found four patterns, three of which support the theory that work-family policies do reinforce traditional roles at home:
- Some women commented that they used policies to assure that the time crunch facing dual-earning families was resolved along traditional gender lines, to approximate a traditional breadwinner model as closely as possible. Sometimes the focus was on the husbands' career attainment. Said one nurse/mother: " The informal flex time has a positive effect because...I can assume more of the responsibility of transporting the kids back and forth to school and helping with their homework. It takes some of the responsibility off him so he can concentrate more on his job then." Another mother of two who works as a human resource specialist said, "Yes! [this arrangement] gives me more time to do things that he wants me to do (laughs). It helps me keep the house cleaner! (jokingly)."
- Some women used the policies because they were the only working spouse who had the option to use such policies. The men simply didn't have the option. Commented one mother: "Yes, [policies improve marriage]. He'd have to take time off unpaid. That's a biggie. He doesn't get paid. He gets no sick time."
- Some women indicated their home already experienced inequity in division of labor at home – they were already responsible for doing more at home. They were tired and frustrated, but the policies acted as a balm to their resentment and stress. "Policies improve [our relationship]," said one mother. "With working less, I'm not coming home and feeling overburdened and like I do the majority of the work around here, inside and out, so I feel like it greatly helps me to be able to not feel resentful or overburdened."
- While most of the comments indicated a reinforcement of gender roles, a fourth group made comments that indicate the policies have a "liberating" effect. There were instances that the policies encouraged the involvement of husbands in home-based tasks. "He's had to be more supportive on the weekends," said one mother. "My kids are still young…He just has to make sure they're in bed. That's not too hard. And take them to the library to get videos on Sunday." Another mom observed: "It improves my attitude. It's kind of forced him to have to take on more of the parenting responsibilities because on Monday and Tuesdays, he's got to do the homework, he's got to do the transportation to the swim meet practice and dinner, which typically, if we're both here, that stuff tends to fall on me……I tend to do that. So, I think it's been helpful in that he has a little bit more clue about what all is involved. There's a lot that goes on between 5 and 8 o'clock."
The second study was supported with a National Science Foundation Dissertation Improvement Award, a Midwest Sociological Society Dissertation Grant, the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation, a UC Charles Phelps Taft Memorial Fund Summer Faculty Fellowship and a UC University Research Council grant.